Why are Quebec unions stepping up their confrontation with the CAQ government lately? The new Bill 3 comes on top of a series of reforms that have frustrated labour groups. The bill would add more bureaucracy to their procedures, cut their funding and restrict their political involvement. Unions say the government is “attacking freedom of association and expression” and are calling for the bill to be withdrawn immediately.
Public hearings wrapped up today. The government heard from several unions, but also from employer-side lobby groups that are not affected by the bill at all. Among them were the Montreal Economic Institute and the Canadian Federation of Independent Business. Despite its name, the latter represents sizeable manufacturing companies as well as many grocery and restaurant franchise owners.
Éric Gingras, president of the CSQ, was stunned. “The Labour Code is very clear that employers cannot interfere in union affairs. This bill has nothing to do with them and, frankly, those who chose to take part in the hearings should step back.”

Despite the uproar, many people still don’t fully understand the bill. Here’s a clear look at what it would do, and why unions are so fiercely opposed.
More bureaucracy
Bill 3 would add a heavy layer of bureaucracy. Every local union would have to pay for annual financial audits, even though similar associations, the government itself, and major corporations face no such requirement. The bill also multiplies internal votes—more complex, more frequent, and on a wider range of issues—while demanding extensive documentation that no other type of organization is asked to produce.
For a few large, already bureaucratic unions, the rules could, on paper, slightly improve transparency. Critics have long pointed out that some local units share little information about elections or bargaining, offer limited services on the ground, or even secured accreditation with the employer’s help to avoid a more combative union.
But many local unions are small, run by volunteer representatives who already lack time, especially in the private sector. Many fear that union life will be reduced to paperwork, while the bill does nothing to address the longstanding bureaucratic problems in some large unions, already seen as overly top-down and slow-moving.
In this context, smaller unions may be the first to suffocate under the new requirements. They risk being “choked by audit costs that often account for 10% to 25% of their operating budget,” says Nicolas Lapierre, Quebec director of the United Steelworkers.
The SPGQ takes a similar view. “This bill forces a multiplication of votes and risks creating democratic fatigue, while placing a disproportionate administrative burden on small sums of money,” says Guillaume Bouvrette, president of the public servants’ union.
“The government keeps saying it wants to reduce red tape, yet it’s imposing the exact opposite on unions with Bill 3,” Bouvrette adds.

Financial and political limits
Financially, the bill splits union dues into two parts: a “main” portion and an “optional” one. Only the optional portion could be used to fund court challenges, public campaigns, or involvement in social and political movements.
These “optional” dues would have to be approved every year, under a budget set in advance. Any deviation from that budget could lead to fines ranging from $5,000 to $50,000. Unions strongly oppose this measure, saying it makes it impossible to respond quickly to social movements or to the unexpected demands of their day-to-day work.
They argue that this rule would directly weaken their ability to challenge laws they see as harmful to their members or to support workers in conflict. Other representative organizations, such as the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, face no such requirements.
The CSN argues that the split is artificial. It notes that the law defines unions as serving the “economic, social and educational interests” of their members. “The Supreme Court of Canada has repeatedly recognized the legitimacy of unions’ political action and their contribution to political and social debate,” the federation adds.
The SPGQ even doubts the government can meet its own standards. It points out that when unions requested a simple dues adjustment last spring, it wasn’t implemented until late August, and issues remain. Repeating that process regularly would be, in its view, a disproportionate burden for a few dollars in optional dues.
Government control
Finally, Bill 3 would tighten government control over unions’ internal organization by dictating what their bylaws must contain. Quebec could also impose operating rules on unions if their internal documents are deemed insufficient.
APTS argues that “unionism must be shaped by and for members, not dictated by a government that is both judge and party.”
The CSN’s submission to the hearings was blunt. The federation says the bill is “hypocritically presented” as a framework for unions, when it is really a “planned and measured strike” as part of a gradual effort to “neutralize unions.” “The real goal of this bill is to curb unions’ role as a counterpower and limit collective action,” the document concludes.
“While the government goes after workers, what is it doing to rein in soaring executive pay?” asks CSN president Caroline Senneville. “What is it doing to regulate corporate lobbying? When will it take an interest in transparency for private companies? The government demands more transparency from unions while it is mired in financial scandals. The CAQ is in no position to give lessons.”
Labour Minister Jean Boulet has said he is open to hearing unions’ comments on “how to apply” the bill. For unions, that’s nowhere near enough. Several leaders—including FTQ president Magali Picard—warn that there will be “no more social peace” if the bill passes in its current form.
Quebec’s major unions are also calling on the public to mobilize for a large demonstration against the CAQ’s policies this Saturday, November 29, at 1:30 p.m. at Place du Canada in Montreal.


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